Naujausias žinias apie karą Ukrainoje skaitykite žemiau.

Anksti ketvirtadienį Kyjivą sudrebino Rusijos raketų ir dronų smūgiai, per kuriuos žuvo du žmonės, o daugiau nei tuzinas buvo sužeisti.

Ukraine denies involvement in the case which may have serious implications for its relationship with Germany.

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Europe’s hard-to-abate cement industry, a strategic industry underpinning Europe’s economy and security, is investing heavily in innovative decarbonization initiatives. But as it strives to meet EU environmental regulations, its competitiveness on the global stage is at stake. Since 2016, EU imports of cheaper, higher-emission cement have risen from 2.4 million to 14.2 million tonnes, while exports have more than halved. Marcel Cobuz, chair of TITAN Group executive committee Marcel Cobuz, member of the board of the Global Cement and Concrete Association and chair of the Group Executive Committee of TITAN Group, one of Europe’s leading producers, says that in the absence of a coherent long-term plan from legislators, the EU’s cement industry, from the regional multinationals to each local producer, is potentially facing an existential threat. The impact will hit beyond the specific industry: as cement is essential not only for Europe’s housing but also its critical infrastructure, a loss of strategic autonomy in construction materials could ultimately threaten EU sovereignty. Cobuz spoke with POLITICO Studio about measures that could help to mitigate the rising costs of production and boost the market for low-carbon, ‘Made in Europe’ products. POLITICO Studio: TITAN was founded in Greece more than 120 years ago and today serves more than 25 markets. What does the company’s journey tell us about the role European cement companies can play in an increasingly competitive global economy? Marcel Cobuz: Cement and concrete are ubiquitous materials, from the houses we live in to the hospitals that care for us. More recently, it has become crucial for the construction of new strategic assets, such as data centers and military infrastructure. It’s enabling the rebuilding of European industry in a totally new geopolitical and geoeconomic context. TITAN started with one kiln in Elefsis, near Athens in 1902, and has grown to a building materials company with substantial European and U.S. presence, with listings on Euronext and the New York Stock Exchange. We export three-quarters of our cement from Europe to global markets, and we’ve earned our customers’ trust to supply them in these markets over the decades. The industry is at the cusp of a huge transformation by striving to remain competitive while dealing with demand drivers such as housing deficits, aging infrastructure, data centers and military defense infrastructure needs. PS: Most European cement companies are not multinationals but medium-sized, often family-controlled firms. What role do they play in Europe’s resilience, especially amid geopolitical uncertainty? MC: It’s important to look at the European cement and concrete industrial base in terms of two pillars. One is the regional multinationals that have a strong consumer base, scale, capital and reach. Then there are many small- and medium-sized companies that are vital for Europe’s autonomy. TITAN is a bit of both. Cement is a local material, after all. Many companies, such as TITAN, remain supported by long-term core shareholders, who tend to think long-term, which is the right mindset to face the challenge of decarbonizing. It’s good to have that patient capital with medium-sized companies, and also the global reach of multinationals. via TITAN Group PS: TITAN is investing heavily in new materials and technologies. What does it take to ensure innovation, decarbonization and competitiveness go hand in hand in an energy-intensive sector? MC: The industry is at the cusp of a huge transformation by striving to remain competitive while dealing with demand drivers such as housing deficits, aging infrastructure and, more recently, data centers and military defense infrastructure needs. That requires available capacities and innovative materials and technologies. And at the same time, you have the broader societal need to address the climate crisis, reflected already in some market segments and in the regulatory push for net zero. The main challenge comes down to the adoption and development of low-carbon products: in Europe, elevated energy costs, two to three times higher than other geographies, are a major obstacle to scaling low-carbon cement production, because they raise operating costs and weaken the business case for decarbonization compared with those competing regions with cheaper energy. What we need is, firstly, the deployment at scale of innovative products, such as low-carbon clinker materials. Secondly, digitalization will help to free up revenues to invest in these materials. Thirdly, policymakers need to promote the adoption of low-carbon products in the market, and that will entail a combination of pull and push. PS: TITAN’s IFESTOS project is the largest cement carbon-capture initiative of its kind in Europe. How can Europe deploy similar technologies at scale? MC: The IFESTOS project, which will retrofit our existing cement kilns at the Kamari plant near Athens, Greece, will be part of one of Europe’s largest carbon capture and storage value chains. But having carbon capture technology is only the beginning of the answer if we are going to fast-track decarbonization. You need a system that extends beyond the plant premises. That means investing in new pipeline infrastructure to transport captured carbon dioxide, as well as the means to store it under the seabed or onshore, or even use it in new materials or in other industries. In that respect, Europe is still lagging. The instruments are out there, but the carbon management sector is still in its infancy, and several challenges need to be overcome through the cooperation of all stakeholders. For example, carbon contracts for difference, or CCfD, would protect early investors in carbon capture against a very low carbon price. Additionally, the design of a ‘guarantee’ mechanism to address unforeseen risks and obligations along the carbon dioxide value chain should be urgently designed and implemented to avoid a double or even triple burden on the cement company. via TITAN Group PS: The Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) has reopened the debate on competitiveness and exports. How can Europe preserve its climate ambitions while keeping its industries globally competitive? MC: Cement imports have risen from 2.4 million tonnes in 2016 to 14.2 million tonnes, while exports have more than halved, and the EU has become a net importer. We believe that CBAM will ultimately be the right instrument to bring a level playing field between local producers and third-country producers selling into the EU market, as long as it is watertight. By watertight, I mean closing the loopholes: technically, for instance, the current product classification, which makes it hard to identify how much clinker is included, should be upgraded to a more granular EU customs system. This should be supported by a transparent public registry and random sampling and analysis to stop resource shuffling and misdeclaration. As for exports competitiveness, the Temporary Decarbonization Fund does not address the challenges at all. The only viable solutions are the ones targeted specifically at export flows, making sure they face the same carbon dioxide costs as exporters from non-EU countries. This is why we have always advocated for a continued allocation of free Emissions Trading System allowances on exports, which is WTO-compatible under the destination principle. It would ensure a level playing field for exporting European manufacturers, enabling them to fuel more investment into decarbonization in Europe at source. The Commission and the legislative bodies of the EU need to be much more ambitious and effective in rewarding those who have already invested in low-carbon technologies. PS: The Commission’s proposed Industrial Accelerator Act (IAA) is intended to create lead markets for low-carbon cement through procurement. Can this measure accelerate decarbonization while strengthening competitiveness? MC: I think it’s heading in the right direction, but it’s too late and it’s too low. The proposal sets only a 5 percent low-carbon target for cement in public procurement, while steel and aluminium are held to 25 percent. That is not enough. We are calling for a 25 percent target for low carbon dioxide cement — from Near Zero to band C — with Near Zero products counting double. In the coming months, the IAA together with the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS) will be debated, and it’s critically important that the right goals are set. The Commission and the legislative bodies of the EU need to be much more ambitious and effective in rewarding those who have already invested in low-carbon technologies, and at the same time help to create a market now that the products are available. We call on the crucial responsibility of the regulators and legislators for the future of the industry. There is a risk of the industry becoming irrelevant. That puts at risk the sovereignty of Europe PS: Are you optimistic about the future of the cement industry in Europe? MC: I am optimistic about the ability of the European construction sector and its cement industry to lead in innovation for a high-performance, decarbonized built environment, given our pan-European technical strength. But clearly there are risks. If energy remains several times more expensive than in competing economies, if CBAM is not watertight, if ETS revenues are not channeled back to the industry for financing of new technologies, and if the adoption of new low-carbon materials is not incentivized early to create momentum, then there is a risk exports not being competitive in the future and of the industry becoming irrelevant. And that puts at risk the sovereignty of Europe, so there is an existential threat there. However, I’m optimistic that with the right dialogue among the Commission, governments, Parliament and industry bodies and economic actors like us, solutions can be found in the same way they were found in the past. It’s about making sure that legislation is more predictable, enabling the players to remain competitive. Disclaimer POLITICAL ADVERTISEMENT The sponsor is TITAN Group The advertisement is linked to policy advocacy around industrial competitiveness, carbon pricing, and decarbonization in the EU cement and construction sectors, including the EU’s CBAM legislation, the Commission’s proposed Industrial Accelerator Act (IAA), and the proposed revision of the ETS. More information here.

EU lawmakers are expected on Thursday to vote against lifting the immunity of the chair of the Parliament’s legal affairs committee, Renew MEP Ilhan Kyuchyuk, according to three people with knowledge of the matter. Kyuchyuk is under investigation by the European Public Prosecutor’s Office (EPPO), which has a network of European prosecutors, including in Bulgaria. However, the prosecutor overseeing the country’s EPPO office has been found guilty of “serious misconduct” by the EPPO supervisory board and is currently suspended, pending possible dismissal. Citing these circumstances, lawmakers on the legal affairs committee — which makes decisions on immunity — argue that the proceedings against Kyuchyuk may be politically motivated, noting that he and his party have long been targeted by political opponents in Bulgaria. Prosecutors alleged that Kyuchyuk hired parliamentary assistants who worked for the national party in Sofia rather than for him as an MEP, in breach of Parliament’s rules, according to two of the people, who were all granted anonymity to speak freely. The allegations are similar to those at the heart of the case against France’s Marine Le Pen, who was convicted of misuse of European Parliament funds for employing assistants who prosecutors said worked for her party rather than carrying out parliamentary duties. The decision by the legal affairs committee needs to be ratified by the plenary in July. “I have removed myself from any deliberations touching on the matter,” Kyuchyuk told POLITICO. “I trust the professional assessment of the Committee and the Parliament, so out of respect for the ongoing legal proceedings and the institutions involved, I have nothing to add at this stage.” Kyuchyuk has denied wrongdoing in previous comments.

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