Internete dalijamasi pasibaisėjimą keliančiu vaizdo įrašu, kuriame matyti, kaip stipria srove iš laivo leidžiamos nuotekos. Jį lydi komentarai, esą kruiziniai laivai siaubingai teršia jūras ir vandenynus. Tai išties yra didelė problema – jie į aplinką išleidžia įvairių teršalų, bet situaciją iliustruojantis filmukas yra sukurtas pasitelkus dirbtinį intelektą. Laivuose naudojamos modernios vandens valymo sistemos, o atliekų negalima pašalinti bet kur, tam tikrose teritorijose tai apskritai neleidžiama.

Ukrainos prezidentas Volodymyras Zelenskis sekmadienį pareiškė, kad Kyjivo ir Maskvos pajėgos vis dar kovoja dėl svarbaus rytinio Kostiantynivkos miesto, kurį Kremlius teigia užėmęs.

Far-right leader Marine Le Pen is appealing against a verdict which found her guilty of misusing EU funds.

Novak Djokovic claims the all-time record for most men's singles match wins at Wimbledon by beating qualifier Roman Safiullin to reach the quarter-finals.

Employers are being urged to use their "common sense" to allow staff to work flexibly where they can.

The low-cost airline had previously rejected four takeover offers from US investment firm Castlelake.

PARIS — French presidential hopeful Edouard Philippe used his first major campaign rally in Paris on Sunday to launch a scathing attack on the National Rally, hitting the polls-leading far-right party as unprincipled and opportunistic. Speaking to an enthusiastic crowd of about 5,000, the center-right former prime minister slammed the National Rally for being “socialist in the north, liberal in the south. A self-proclaimed spokesperson for the working class in rural areas, yet a lover of petits fours in Monte Carlo. In favor of public spending and against taxes. In favor of the euro but against Europe.” Philippe even managed to sneak in a dig at Emmanuel Macron while criticizing the National Rally, saying the far-right party embodied the president’s much-maligned refrain — “at the same time” — by trying to be two things at once without owning up to it. While the 55-year-old delivered a wide-ranging speech that lasted over an hour, his blistering critique of the National Rally stood out given the tough week that lies ahead for the party. Longtime leader Marine Le Pen’s appeal of an embezzlement conviction and election ban that knocked her out of next year’s presidential race concludes on Tuesday. If the court rules she can’t run, her 30-year-old protégé Jordan Bardella will become the far right’s standard-bearer. In his remarks, Philippe derided the apparent discrepancy between Le Pen’s historic support for the French welfare state and Bardella’s more free-market views. “Jordan Bardella has converted to capitalism, free-market economics, Europe and perhaps, we don’t know, pension reform. Marine Le Pen’s National Rally is the opposite,” he said. Polls suggest whoever represents the National Rally will be the front-runner in the 2027 election, but Philippe appears to be the candidate best placed to beat them. On Sunday the former PM tried to present himself as a responsible conservative candidate who could beat the political extremes and put France on the right path by confronting hard truths head-on. “People will tell you that my project is all about blood and tears,” Philippe said. “Let’s be serious. This isn’t about blood or tears. Maybe a little sweat, yes. Effort. Seriousness. Determination. And I want to be clear: I will ask for effort, but fair, shared effort, spread out over time.” He went on to detail his ambitions for France on education, health and public finances, calling for a smaller and more nimble government. He also hinted at changes to France’s state pensions system, an explosive topic in the country. In his remarks, Philippe derided the apparent discrepancy between Marine Le Pen’s historic support for the French welfare state and Jordan Bardella’s more free-market views. | Bertrand Guay/AFP via Getty Images “I will not tax companies that are already taxed too much. And I will tell pensioners that they will need to contribute more to finance the social welfare system,” Philippe said. “I want a state focused on its mission: Protect its children, educate them, maintain order, put its accounts in order, secure pensions.” Jump-starting the campaign Philippe was under pressure at his first campaign rally to refute accusations that he was leading a lackluster presidential bid that could fail to make noise. “He has been accused of being a bit cold. He is reserved,” said campaign spokesperson Arnaud Péricard ahead of the speech. “He is going to come out of his shell. He needs to do it so that the French vote for him.” On stage in Paris Philippe struck a more personal cord, speaking about his family and his upbringing in the gritty port city of Le Havre, where he is now mayor. He also mentioned the skin disease vitiligo and hair loss that he suffered during his premiership. “I tell all those … who have seen their bodies change, and who weren’t able to recognize themselves in the mirror … I tell them that they are not their illness,” he said. “I tell them that I understand, and feeling that has made me a better person.” Though opinion polls put him in second place behind either Bardella or Le Pen, Philippe doesn’t have much breathing room in the polls as he’s trailed by a crowded field of centrist and right-wing candidates. Former Prime Minister Gabriel Attal, who now leads Macron’s political party Renaissance, and the leader of the conservative Les Républicains, Bruno Retailleau, have both declared their candidacies. France’s presidential election advances to a two-person runoff if no candidate nets more than 50 percent of the vote in the first round. If Attal, Retailleau and Philippe are all on the ballot when voters head to the polls on April 18 next year, they could split the vote and end up with none of them advancing to the runoff. Last week, however, Philippe secured the support of government spokesperson Maud Bregeon, who belongs to Attal’s party, along with signs of support from Les Républicains heavyweight Laurent Wauquiez. “To all those who have joined us, I welcome you and let me say, you have made the right choice,” he said.

Patriotism has become partisan. It doesn’t matter that people across the ideological spectrum are equally likely to say that they themselves are patriotic. New international polling shows that when you ask them about expressions of patriotism, they think those displays are right-coded. Those results from The POLITICO Poll reveal the extent of right-wing populist parties’ success after years of claiming nationalism as central to their political identities — and growing in power and popularity. The political parties furthest to the right across several major Western democracies were consistently more associated with national pride than other parties, the poll found. A 29-percent plurality of U.K. adults, for example, said they would expect someone who said they were “proud to be British” to support Nigel Farage’s right-wing populist Reform U.K., 16 points greater than the 13 percent who would expect them to be from the center-right Conservative Party. Similar pluralities said the same in France about Marine Le Pen’s Rassemblement National, or National Rally (30); in Germany about Alternative for Germany, or AfD (35); and in Spain about Vox (29). In the United States’ two-party system, respondents were 15 points more likely to expect someone who said they were proud to be American to be Republican (38) than Democratic (23). The findings are the latest sign that these parties — from Donald Trump’s “America First” movement in the United States to the rise of the far right across Europe — are owning the language and symbols of patriotism, including a country’s flag. Right-wing parties have rapidly gained ground by tapping into voters’ growing concerns over border security and cost of living, and have flexed their power over the last decade, reshaping existing debates over conservatism, sovereignty and national identity. In some cases, they have pushed major political parties, like America’s GOP, further to the right. But even as the politics of patriotism have shifted toward the right, the poll found that pride in one’s country is essentially nonpartisan. Majorities of adults across the United States, United Kingdom, France, Germany and Spain all say they are proud of their country. In the U.S., 68 percent of adults — including most Trump 2024 voters and former Vice President Kamala Harris voters — say they are proud to be American. The June survey, conducted by London-based Public First, shows the challenge for centrist and left-leaning parties that are weighing how to reclaim overt symbols of patriotism — or redefine what patriotism means for them. Kevin Madden, a longtime GOP communications strategist in Washington, said the findings reflect the rising tide of hyper-partisanship. “Political polarization is coloring views through a left-right, us-versus-them political lens,” he said. “That lens changes based on whether [people’s] preferred party is in charge or not.” Far-right parties embrace politics of national pride Debates over immigration, sovereignty and cultural flashpoints across the West have increasingly turned into fights over what a nation stands for — and who that includes, and who gets to define it. In the United States, Trump’s “America First” agenda and “Make America Great Again” movement have explicitly made national identity central to Republican messaging. The president has vowed to secure the southern border, conduct widespread deportations and prioritize aggressive trade politics aimed at boosting the U.S. economy. The POLITICO Poll found that Trump’s rhetoric is very popular among the right in Europe. When asked how they would feel about a candidate who promised to “Make [their country] Great Again,” far-right respondents across the countries — including 70 percent in Reform U.K., 68 percent in France’s National Rally, 66 percent in Germany’s AfD and 77 percent in Spain’s Vox party — said it would make them feel more positive about that candidate. That comes as those parties have similarly centered campaigns on immigration, borders and cultural identity, presenting themselves as defenders of their nations. In Germany, expressions of national pride are often viewed through the lens of the country’s Nazi past. For decades after World War II, overt displays of patriotism — including flying the German flag from homes, porches and balconies — were widely regarded as distasteful. This was particularly true on the political left, where patriotism was often considered legitimate only insofar as it was grounded in Germany’s rejection of nationalism and its country’s reckoning with the Holocaust. But a political movement based on restoring national pride and a sense of past glory has taken root in the far-right AfD party, which actively campaigns to instill patriotism in German youth. In the eastern state of Saxony-Anhalt, where the AfD is far ahead in the polls ahead of a regional election set for September, the party’s platform calls for an end to “the perpetuation of a guilt complex” among Germany’s youth and advocates a renewed “call for patriotism.” That comes through in The POLITICO Poll, which found that a 44 percent plurality of AfD supporters say that people in Germany aren’t proud enough of the country’s history, significantly greater shares than in other parties. AfD voters were also much more likely than others to say they would think positively of someone who said they were “proud to be German.” France, too, has been a battleground in the war over patriotism, as Le Pen and her party have centered anti-immigration and French national identity. The Euroskeptic National Rally has become so associated with the French tricolor flag that as the campaign for next year’s presidential election gets underway, leftist candidates are saying they must claw back national symbols from populists who have co-opted them. In the U.K., Prime Minister Keir Starmer’s centrist left Labour Party won a landslide election victory in 2024, partly through a very deliberate strategy of rebranding itself as a patriotic movement. The Union Jack flag was added to every party communication, and members were required to sing the national anthem at Labour’s annual conference. Party bosses focused on 40 percent of the electorate whom they termed “hero voters” — these were usually middle-aged, working-class people who supported Brexit. They were patriotic and proud of Britain, and tended to feel neglected by mainstream politicians. But after less than a year in power, Starmer’s Labour had lost support among many in this group and fallen below Nigel Farage’s populist nationalist Reform U.K. in the polls. Another year later, his continuing nosedive in popularity — and a Labour wipeout in local elections in May — forced him to resign. Meanwhile, the far right is gaining more traction. British nationalist activist Tommy Robinson, who has draped his “Unite the Kingdom” marches in flags and pushes anti-Islam views, is widely seen in a negative light by British voters but enjoys notable support among Reform U.K. supporters, Public First polling found earlier this year. Can the left reclaim patriotism? For parties on the political left, the problem is not that their voters reject patriotism. Majorities of adults across the countries surveyed say they are proud of their country, and they are far more likely to respond positively than negatively toward a political candidate who said they loved their country and were proud to live there. In the United States, for example, a 45 percent plurality of Harris voters said they would feel more positively toward such a candidate. In the U.K., 47 percent of Liberal Democrats and a 53 percent plurality of Labour supporters say they would feel more positively. The challenge for these parties is that some of the overt symbols of patriotism — such as displaying a national flag, or even owning one — have become more closely associated with conservative parties. “As much as these results show the political right having success in claiming patriotic language, they also show left parties abandoning a political message that has potential,” said Seb Wride, head of polling at Public First. “This is easier terrain for the left than party leaders think, given the pride we see across the spectrum.” Across several of the world’s major democracies, there’s a brewing movement underway to try to reclaim patriotism from the far-right parties. England’s St. George’s flag — a red cross on a white background — has long been used to show support for the national soccer team. It has also been associated with nationalism and racist political movements in the U.K. But recently, some football fans have taken to displaying the flag with the viral phrase “Football not Farage” — an effort to show their frustration with right-wing politicians co-opting the symbol for their political cause at a time when it is being used to celebrate the nation’s participation in the World Cup. In the U.S., Democratic lawmakers and candidates are leaning more deliberately into patriotic themes, even if they emphasize them differently than Republicans do. Rather than focusing on flags and traditional patriotic imagery, many have highlighted their military service and sense of civic duty. A number of Democratic House candidates who are also veterans, for instance, are touting their service and commitment to the country in ads and on campaign websites. Democratic Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, a leading figure in the progressive movement, told TMZ that “we need to be focusing a lot more on how all of us are American,” when asked about the nation’s flag and how it is typically more associated with Republicans. “America is not whoever is in charge right now. To me, my understanding of our country is all of the great people and movements that are a part of it,” she said, later adding: “The immigrant story is one of the most American stories that we have.” Tim Ross, Joshua Berlinger, James Angelos and Hanne Cokelaere contributed reporting.

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